Irfan Hošić
DESIGN AGAINST COLLAPSE : DIFFUSE DESIGN PRACTICES AND COMMUNITY AGENCY IN DETROIT

Drawing by Iwo Panasiewicz
Introduction
Detroit and design are strongly related. The city has a long tradition of both design flows and organizational approaches: top-down design businesses connected to industry on the one hand, and bottom-up work of individuals, artists and local community groups on the other. The design theoretician Ezio Manzini calls those two different methodologies “expert design” and “diffuse design”1. The first one is a crucial part of commodification, and far from declining in the city it continues to remain connected to the industry. “Expert design” is the field of trained professionals, who most likely operate in an organized and profit-motivated setting “equipped with conceptual and operational tools to support designing processes”2. The second one, namely “diffuse design” is the domain of “non-experts” with their spontaneous ability to detect problems and solve them. It is a practice based on “a natural designing capacity” that affirms the idea of community, and in the case of Detroit, has emerged as a result of the crisis throughout the recent decades3. The interplay between these two models with focus on Detroit, indicates radical transformations of the city’s economic dynamics, as well as disorder in the distribution of wealth and communal services caused by class and race.
In the first half of the 20th century, Detroit was one of the largest American cities recording scores and progress and romantically referred to as “the motor city” and “the arsenal of democracy.” Driven by Henry Ford’s assembly line, it became the birthplace of the modern auto industry, with major automotive producers such as Chrysler, Ford and General Motors. As an economic engine of the USA at the time, with massive employment and organized labor unions, Detroit is perceived as the birthplace of the modern middle class. As such, it became a national symbol of the American Dream.
While “the motor city” represents comprehensive industrial innovation in times of peace, “the arsenal of democracy” stands for its transformation and collective mobilization toward military production during the Second World War. When the USA went to war, the auto industry shifted from making cars to producing heavy military equipment. The city represented how the American industry was mobilized for democracy in fighting Nazi-Germany and their allies. With its production plants and assembly lines, Detroit’s industrial power was embodied by the popular phrase “the arsenal of democracy.”
During the 1970s, Detroit’s industrial strength was sapped by outsourcing that led to plant closures and job losses. Globalization enhanced this process of deindustrialization which radically transformed the city, bringing on urban decline and depopulation. Detroit became a place where the fragility of the middle class was rigorously tested. Following the migration of the white population to the suburbs, the city became divided by class and race, which is still the case.
Racial unrest – the first incidence of which took place in June 1943 as a result of segregation while the second one in 1967 due to a growing frustration over the African-American community, marked the rise and fall of Detroit. Urban erasure of Black neighborhoods such as Black Bottom east of downtown and Paradise Valley adjacent to Black Bottom for the sake of infrastructural construction and the growth of the city, were instances of racial displacement under the guise of progress.
After being continuously deconstructed throughout the second half of the 20th century, losing more than 50% of its inhabitants and struggling with the essentials, such as electricity, water supply and other utilities4, Detroit became an interesting lab for diverse social actions. In this period, the city gained international recognition for its diffuse design practices and bottom-up work of individual artists and local arts groups who expressed a powerful voice of the community against commodification and real estate development. The crisis became a fertile ground for the growth of grassroots organizations involved in initiatives to tackle local issues.
In the last ten years there have been numerous exhibitions, conferences and articles alluding to the rebirth of the city and its renewed economic growth. In 2015, two years after filing for bankruptcy, Detroit was named a UNESCO City of Design as an acknowledgement of its effort to make design and design-thinking a significant force in the city’s urban renewal. With this title UNESCO recognized Detroit as a place where creativity became a strategic force for societal transformation as well as honored Detroit’s industrial past where designers such as Harley Earl and Eero Saarinen pioneered car manufacturing, design of vehicles, brand identity and corporate architecture. It is the first and only U.S. city to earn this title which emphasizes the design legacy of the place, as well as a strong presence of the artistic community, artisans, architects and creative entrepreneurs.
Yet, it seems still that there is no clear vision what the design strategy in Detroit should be like, and its institutional disorientation serves as an eventual starting point for the present discussion. Which paradigm can serve as an ideological background for the City of Design? How far should Detroit as the City of Design experiment with new economic and business models and to what extent are the old models still present?
Those questions serve as the leitmotiv of the present discussion, because the aforementioned aspects produce a unique context which makes Detroit different from New York, Chicago, London, Tokyo or any other big urban center in the world that flows along with neoliberal investment schemes. The differences between Detroit and the other American cities are complex with the main one being a virtual lack of venture capital and large-scale investors due to the racial profile of the city. In limited cases investment capital does appear in Detroit, however, it is very specific about how it invests. On the other hand, that lack is compensated by the presence of major foundations. Detroit is unusual in that there are big philanthropic organizations, such as Knight, Kresge, Erb, Davidson, that fund the civil society activity of arts groups which have stepped in where investment capital feared to tread.
Local institutions, design-oriented ventures, and even some media reports have often and ambiguously overlooked the core of Detroit’s peculiar situation – where, over the past few decades and in the heart of United States, a systematic collapse has unfolded, giving rise to a capitalist peril scenario. What is the price that Detroit’s citizens have to pay “to feel cosmopolitan and connected again”5 – as some reports are stating?
An epochal decline from a once global industrial trendsetter to a place of abandonment and decay, may be seen in Jesse Sugarmann’s 2013 video We Build Excitement. The artist was documenting laid-off assembly line workers from the auto industry of the Metro Detroit area and car accident victims, recreating the movements of their former jobs and car crashes. In this choreographic piece, Sugarmann pays respectful homage to the traumatic moments in both the birth and the death of the automobile industry, putting a human body and a car into performative correlation. Cars are used as a simplified sculptural possibility and furthermore as metaphors for modernism and progress which are an inseparable part of Detroit’s cultural history on the one hand, and of trauma on the other.
What ought to be mentioned here are the conflict narratives and long-term post-traumatic experiences of the late 1960s unrest, incorporated into official politics of space and bodies. It is not accidental that in his video Sugarmann uses specific spaces and human bodies as accelerators for an evocation of traumatic local narratives. Stylized moves reenact the working flow at the assembly line that once upon a time was the force behind social emancipation and urban development. It may be interpreted as a dance deprived of its original meaning. The car and its organic coalescence with the human body in the urban space of the city of Detroit, has a much deeper significance than a simplified utilitarian object and a means of transportation. Moreover, cars are artifacts of industrial design culture and visual aesthetics; objects of distinctive regional innovation; symbols of material success, democratization and spatial independence. The artist himself understands that “automotive design and fabrication is a process of building objects that echo and preempt popular notions of social standing and self-image”6.
Since the production of cars is a practice heavily informed by class and race distinction – especially in Detroit, Sugarmann’s work could include additional readings containing an analysis and a summary of Detroit’s ideological history – particularly the history of labor organization and resistance to racial capitalist exploitation that strongly marked the city’s history. The processes of suburbanization after WWII and of industrial decentralization that followed, may be perceived both as the setting for the American dream, but also for the new dynamics of labor and the relation between capitalist hegemony and organization of resistance. Due to the fact that “decentralization was an effective means for employers to control increasing labor costs and weaken powerful trade unions”7 the relation between the city, its suburbia and exurbia defined a new class hierarchy of exclusivity and inclusivity.
Wobbling, dangling, falling and crashed cars possess urgent significance that led to the conclusion that postindustrial Detroit has experienced a post-capitalistic scenario. Yet, this scenario could be helpful to better understand the situation and real needs of its inhabitants. The American scholar Eric Hood states that “in Detroit’s new urban landscape capitalism has been repeatedly placed on trial and ultimately judged as ill-adapted for survival in a new environment of its own creation”8.
The Detroit Printing Co-op
The Detroit Printing Co-op is a community-oriented, ideologically profiled and design-rooted project launched by Fredy and Lorraine Perlman in 1969. Its opening overlaps with the 1967 Detroit Riot that through confrontation between African-American residents and Detroit Police Department – in which more than 40 people died and more than 1000 were injured – changed the structure of the city once and for all.9 The practice of the Printing Co-op with their printed oeuvre – books, translations and pamphlets – is also to be observed from the post-‘68s perspective, which was a turning point of social transformation within civil rights movements in USA. In a devastated city such as Detroit of the late 1960s, the Detroit Printing Co-op was a definite forerunner of socially engaged design practices in the city, intentionally against the prevailing capitalist economy based on private ownership.

Lorraine and Fredy Perlman in Detroit Printing Co‑op
Established as an open studio which “declared the equipment social property, available for use by anyone who wished to learn how to operate it and contribute to its maintenance”10, it defined an ideological framework of communal values, openness for participation and inclusivity. By experimenting with paper and print-techniques, and holding the studio open for different political organizations, the Detroit Printing Co-op maintained the awareness about the rise of class boundaries, politics of design and pride of craft. Some decades later, the concept of the Detroit Printing Co-op will become a standard for different calls to action in the city as a practice of civic resistance.
By using design practice, particularly graphic design, as a medium of communication and mediation of content – established by the sheer enthusiasm of several independent individuals, the Detroit Printing Co-op is to be considered a collective whose initiation and structural growth are determined by the methodology of a bottom-up organization or the so called “diffuse design” practice. According to the design theoretician Ezio Manzini, “diffuse design” is an approach adopted by grassroots organizations and cultural activists towards “problem-solving” and “sense-making” in its distinctive polarity to “expert design” as a top-down practice mainly in use by professionals and profit-oriented design agencies11. Nevertheless, Detroit and design are closely related– the city has a long tradition of diverse design flows and its organizational approaches.

Fredy Perlman, “The Incoherence of the Intellectual”, 1970
While top-down design businesses are connected to industry, bottom-up is the work of independent individuals, artists and local community groups. Industrial design is a crucial part of commodification and far from declining in the city it continues to remain connected to the industry. By contrast, “diffuse design” is a practice that affirms the idea of a community and which has emerged as a result of the city’s crisis during several past decades. Also, Detroit’s diffuse design practices are a genuine part of the complex and multilayered context of the city. Those projects have political perspectives and clear agendas because they intervene where the system has misfired. Moreover, they resist an abuse of power by the state and its institutions by transferring various social values through empowerment of collective consciousness.
Socio-political ambience of the late 1960s, as well as transformation of the social and cultural conditions in Detroit, brought new urgencies and created a biotope for diverse strategies which are still seen today. If there is an agreement that Detroit – due to its scenarios of economic failure, urban dissemblance and disfunction – became the first post-American and post-capitalist city in the USA, the Detroit Printing Co-op could be viewed as a cultural response to its crisis.
In his paper “Detroit: The Prospect of Post-Capitalism”, the cultural theoretician Eric Hood discusses this turn by using some of the most prominent examples of the practice of resistance, and “of creation and survival inside a space that has been utterly exhausted by capitalism”12. He calls Detroit “an American city in flames” referring to the “Devil’s Night” and massive arsons in the neglected neighborhoods in the 1980s and 1990s.
Both descriptions of “a post-capitalist” and “a post-American” city are controversial and provocative, yet intriguing and they stimulate interest to dig deeper into the tissues of its historical layers. In the course of time, Detroit became a place where profit-driven development weakened or collapsed. Traditional capitalist structures transformed into alternative economies and values of the non-market system. Grassroots initiatives responded to austerity and abandonment with community-driven transformation and cooperative ownership. It is a place where the American Dream collapsed and an operational lab for racial capitalism with systematic segregation that fostered conflicts and suburban expropriation.
Strategically shaped as an initiative of political resistance and a practical set of tools created for social and intellectual survival, the Detroit Printing Co-op is a project of struggle against capitalism and its notorious values such as racism and exploitation, wrapped in the visionary mission of economic growth. The Printing Co-op was an ideological demand for more political freedom, reduction of inequality and healthy natural environment, and as such it serves as a clear request for a better future.
It has also had an immense impact on the country’s leftist movements. As a forerunner of socially engaged and “diffuse design” driven initiatives in the city, the Detroit Printing Co-op of the late 1960s, from this point of view, serves as an extraordinary model for critical reflection and a point of reference for its current conceptual and ideological relatives. Its values and beliefs, several decades later, shaped the art of social practice where design was considered a basic medium.

Brightmoor Runway. Brightmoor Makerspace, 2019
The Brightmoor Maker Space
The Brightmoor Maker Space is a design-driven and community-oriented project in a deteriorated and neglected neighborhood of Detroit’s North-West. It was established by the designer and educator Nick Tobier in 2009 as a social entrepreneurship where collaborative and participative initiatives meet. Being part of The Detroit Community School for over ten years, this adjunct multipurpose workshop strives for involvement to empower its participants with diverse opportunities of learning and creativity. Design is not only the final product – it is a set of tools and strategies how to get through the time of crisis and hardship. The Brightmoor Maker Space is a genuine model that encompasses mutual understanding, respect and thriving. It is a bottom-up initiative in a neighborhood that suffers from chronic institutional neglect and systematic failure of the municipal authorities. Far from design-centers and creative agencies, it is a hub where goals and strategies evolve by “natural design capacities,” initiated by the locals for the locals.
The discrepancy between the adverse stage of the neighborhood and the spirit in Brightmoors’ space is immense. Brightmoor is widely recognized as a derelict neighborhood visibly hit by the crisis – “a risky, sometimes dangerous place with considerable opportunity to start over”13. As such, Brightmoor seeks long-standing initiatives that are able to restore trust in the community and project a vision of a creative future. Its landscape and demographic profile should not be viewed aside from Detroit’s postindustrial context, clearly marked by racial and class divisions, impoverishment and depopulation. In its self-sufficient hardship, “it’s a place for tough, creative thinkers, builders, and people with endurance”14.
Within the period of several last decades, the city started being internationally renowned for its use of diffuse design practices and bottom-up work of individuals or groups. Designers, artists and locals expressed a powerful voice of the community against commodification of unrelenting real estate development. Periods of crises acted as generative conditions for the emergence of grassroots organizations seeking to formulate locally-embedded responses to structural and systematic problems. The Brightmoor Maker Space penetrates into the social tissue of the local community which has experienced the process of decay and decline on a larger scale in recent decades15.
Conceived as a carpentry, screen print, repair and do-it-yourself workshop for diverse members of the community, the Brightmoor Maker Space is a significant symbol of the city’s care, solidarity and compassion. Its purpose and mission are distant from corporative design flows and profit-oriented intentions. The conceptual background, ideological standpoint and methodological approach of the Brightmoor Maker Space serves as a paradigmatic model of how to restore a failed and disoriented vision of the design strategy in Detroit. This initiative redesigns social forms and produces a special notion of the place – “all together they create society and environment in which societies collocate and which, in turn, the societies themselves contribute to produce”16.
Often located out of the center, on the margins of the mainstream and without the goal of attracting attention but rather of establishing connection, the Brighmoor Maker Space does not tend to point out authorship or to bring eventual fame. Almost anonymous, the project initiator and concept-leader Nick Tobier operates as a silent curator of the social experiment in the public space. The syllabus of his teaching course at the University of Michigan’s School for Arts and Design called Change by Design, serves as a discursive frame for this and other of his actions. “These are real world challenges that students tackle together as they acknowledge the need for the design world to stop talking big and start doing good; to put problem-solving skills to work on some of the biggest global issues; and to design for creativity, innovation, health, poverty, homelessness, education, and more”. Design institutions, thinkers and practitioners can help redefine and reposition their traditional missions with an aim to articulate unique, comprehensive and inclusive human-focused syllabuses, curriculums and manifestos.
As a practitioner in the public space, Tobier emphasizes the importance of empathy, cultural exchange and innovative social strategies. His conceptual and practical access in the project is clearly marked by respect to human dignity of the inhabitants within the targeted neighborhoods without hidden and suspect profit agendas. As a diffuse design practice, this strategy remains in balance with the organic development of human ideas and collective creativity, silently pointing out the injustice that the neighborhood has been exposed to in the past. Because of its engaged mission as a functional platform, the Brighmoor Maker Space fits into the general mission of design as a social, cultural and creative practice whose tools, protocols and methodologies can restore the society.
Its retrieval comes from the bottom-up and does not express interest in manipulating and gentrifying any segment of the existing urban area, respecting the complex layers of social reality. Such community-oriented projects articulate alternative visions of living and coexistence with emphasis on inclusivity and social equality. Designers and artisans produce tools warding against the death of the city, and attempting to keep neighborhoods alive. Based on the belief of equal human development and capability to function as a set of creative tools for alternative education, “the city space in this view is no longer a location of failure but one where the natural and continuous process of transformation escapes the obscuring ideologies of capitalism and is made visible”17.
Detroit’s Brighmoor Maker Space in the courtyard of the Brightmoor Public School – in the middle of a dysfunctional neighborhood – became a perfect example where “education is figured as art’s potential ally in an age of ever-decreasing public space, rampant privatization and instrumentalized bureaucracy”18. Official support given by the University of Michigan and continuous exchange among different interest groups – such as university students, pupils from the local elementary and middle schools and local residents – gives this project a notion of transformation and pride. The content of the mentioned course at the University of Michigan emphasizes urgent necessity to engage teaching capacities, practitioners and researchers with Detroit’s economic, social, cultural and environmental challenges of the time. What can design and craftmanship teach kids? What is the purpose of design in a post-industrial society and can design help in restoring of certain societal values are some of the basic questions for designing such curriculums.
The Brithmoor Maker Space’s collaborative design strategy and the question of authorship
The main achievement in the form of a concrete result of the project is penetration into the neglected neighborhood and collaborative formation of a creative workshop. Located next to Detroit’s public school, the Brightmoor Maker Space serves as an example and social paradigm where education meets design and social entrepreneurship. Diverse tools for carpentry, screen printing and do-it-yourself repairs, which are available in the workshop as well as tutorship by additional staff, offer a platform for design education in its theoretical and practical sense.
By targeting “youth and adults to build their creative making skills and incubate business ideas”19 Brightmoor’s makers successfully implemented several publicly acknowledged projects. Young craftsmen gained knowledge on how to foster ideas, how to stimulate problem-solving strategies and finally, how to develop the final product. Making trikes for local business owners in 2019, designing the Brightmoore Runway with a pedestrian-activated speed radar in 2017 or collaboration with Ishinomaki Laboratory from Japan which started in 2015 are some of the projects which ought to be mentioned.
Collaboration with Ishinomaki Laboratory, a Japanese do-it-yourself studio which was established in 2011 as an urgent response to a disruptive tsunami, strives toward a collaborative and sustainable future through sophisticated furniture aesthetics designed by, and for a traumatized community. There is resemblance between Detroit’s and Ishinomaki’s post-disaster cases. Both assume that such activities and craftmanship based on the do-it-yourself culture can energize people and communities while the design process itself can become a constitutive element of enhancement of life as a whole. Benches produced within this collaborative initiative between BMS and Ishinomaki Laboratory were distributed in the neighborhood during the summer of 2020 with the intention of promoting social contact in the time of physical distance caused by a pandemic.
A simple design form; clear surfaces; low and easy maintenance – are some of the formal characteristics of the design that was produced by this collaboration. It definitely reflects Japanese aesthetics of simplicity and restraint, as well as the context which served as a framework for its creation. Those characteristics are based on functionality and applicability where they intend to be used – in post-disaster environments of Ishinomaki and Detroit.
As a community-driven initiative established by Penny W. Stamps School of Art and Design at the University of Michigan, and Detroit Community Schools, the Brightmoor Maker Space transformed the local community and fostered urban revival in a neglected and seemingly destroyed neighborhood. Since its inception in 2009, by providing creative and educational support for the residents, the initiative proactively projects the model how design can remedy exclusion and how those who were unable to participate could be emancipated.
Akoaki
Akoaki is formally an architecture and design studio working at the intersection of social entrepreneurship, cultural production and urban design aesthetics. It was founded by architects Anya Sirota and Jean Louis Farges in 2008 with the mission to engage with social, spatial and cultural realities in Detroit. Following the pattern of the disconnected and spatially broken city – with large areas of waste land and emptiness – Akoaki acts as an innovative and comprehensive initiative aimed at “bridging the commonly perceived divide between social and aesthetic practice” whose “work explores urban interventions, perceptual scenographies, and pop actions as a response to complex and contested urban scenarios”20.
In the book Going Real: The Value of Design in the Era of Postcapitalism, authors Marco Petroni and Giovanni Innella take Detroit as a reference point “redefining the value of design in connection with the rethinking of a social environment that is scourged by the failures of neoliberal capitalism”21. Akoaki represents a compelling paradigm, demonstrating how design can “create a foxy setting for individuals to express views, experiences, aspirations, and struggles so that we can shift perception and uncover a multitude of otherwise invisible narratives”22.

Mothership assembly pamphlet. Akoaki studio, 2014
The work of Akoaki emerged as a site-specific design studio connected with the complex and layered past of Detroit where involvement and responsibility in an abandoned city create new models of sustainability. In its structural organizational flows, Akoaki comprises both top-down and bottom-up approaches, using the first one as a conceptual frame, and the latter as a tool for its final outcome. Basic ideas are forged in the agency while its upgrades and extensions are added by various participants, groups or communities. Akoaki stands for the fact that “Detroit represents an exceptional opportunity to promote a new culture of work that puts the relationship among people at the center”23.
Akoaki’s new models of sustainability
When it comes to Detroit’s new models of sustainability related to design as a set of practical and discursive tools, they are linked with the involvement and responsibility as a substitute for the articulation of design as a luxury good. Akoaki is a protagonist that forced cultural change and urban regeneration outside the frames that perceive design exclusively as a luxury and an object of consumption. This form of sustainability is based on the awareness of Detroit’s parallel histories, distinct Afro-diasporic cultural heritage and working-class narratives, as well as the creation of gathering-platforms of different experiences for the sake of benefits of the community.
Akoaki is well aware of all the troubled layers of local history and uses them as pillars of consciousness for its actions. In the 1930s Detroit was an area of comprehensive urbicide of African-American communities and transformation of the boroughs such as Black Bottom or Paradise Valley. Several decades later this discontent was followed by a systematic segregation that reached its peak with the riots of the late 1960s. Development of Detroit’s metropolitan area was a result of the ongoing and continuous tensions always sparked off by racial divisions. The language of oppression and inequality in the city existed for decades and was often reinforced by state and governmental institutions.
Akoaki’s intervention in careless urban scenarios with devastated social relations address the necessity for Detroit’s transforming urbanity by using evolving ideas, activities, and resourcefulness of the city’s inhabitants. The question of inclusive design carries ideological meanings, political backgrounds, deeper concepts and symbolical structures that have to be respected by designers, design developers and design managers, as “if inclusion isn’t explicitly part of that leadership, exclusion will be the default”24. In Detroit’s divided and segregated urban context it is important to state “what we choose to design and more importantly, what we choose not to design, and even more importantly, who we exclude from the design process – these are all political acts”25.
In 2015 and 2016 Akoaki published two issues of One Mile Magazine with the aim of promoting new economies within design, arts and music in one of Detroit’s neglected neighborhoods. By using glossy photography and fashion editorials – yet rooted in local cultural authenticities – the magazine’s intention was not to be just another cultural magazine, but a collective attempt to articulate pride of belonging in the egregious social landscape of the marginalized neighborhood of the North End. The form of the magazine served as an opportunity for various artists, designers, musicians and others to create a sense of creative belonging in derelict urban surrounding of the neighborhood.
The One Mile Magazine may be perceived as an expanded interpretation of architecture and urbanism because its constitutional roots are based upon the intention to create public spaces and experimental environments with alternative tools. The magazine served as a platform to build a network of creative practitioners in the midst of poverty. From this perspective, the One Mile Magazine acts as resistance in urban environment that experienced a capitalist peril scenario. It transforms the livable meaning of the city into the form of a printed edition of the magazine by collecting sustainable ideas, projects and events.
Through radically collaborative processes”26 two issues of the One Mile Magazine gathered various artists and urban practitioners such as musicians D. J. Los, Bryce Detroit and Efe Bes, or designers Jerry Hebron, Halima Cassells and N’Neka Jackson, as well as many others. The landscape of disinvestment and decay served as a starting point for questions such as “how do people make things, sounds, spaces, and ideas in the North End and in Detroit at large” and Akoaki framed it successfully in the form of the magazine. The way how Akoaki develops ideas and articulates them by stimulating diverse individuals to participate, is a model of “how Detroiters are re-imagining ways to work, live, and create.”27
By doing so, Akoaki does not attempt to restore the exclusive frames of neoliberal capitalism and self-interests of the favored class – putting profit in the first place, and roughly neglecting injustice to which the citizens have been exposed for more than a half a century. Its design strategy is oriented towards practices of human dignity, ecological sustainability, moral and ethical responsibility, because the city suffered from racial profiling unlike any other major city in the USA. The gap that emerged due to a continuous absence of venture capital and large-scale investors is compensated with the presence of design initiatives that have stepped in where investment capital feared to tread.
Conclusion
A leading industrial power in the early 20th century with immense global impact, Detroit now stands as the last enclave of radical decline, with an extremely strange and diverse range of opportunities. The fact that in Detroit “you can do all sorts of things that you can’t do elsewhere”28 is both inspiring and scary and makes it a major post-American city. The choices and opportunities in the community are organized differently than those in other capitalist cities. Citizens are transforming “conventional” design and art approaches into something new that is needed by the community. By using the strategy of “everyone is a producer” they are consciously adding utility to their practice and by doing so, they are becoming urban designers and social workers due to a lack of services provided by the city. As a context in which “expert design” experienced decline, Detroit may be understood as a global example of “diffuse design” – a model through which community-led practices emerged in resistance to dominant commercial narratives.
However, the precarious financial condition and the non-profit backbone of many of them, make them vulnerable. Although with their ideas and program activities they are capable of impacting thousands of people, they depend on substantial funding. The Detroit Printing Co-op influenced radical publishing throughout the 1970s, but was forced to close down after losing the lease in the 1980s.
The Brightmoor Maker Space as a workshop situated in a neighborhood with a vision of design-build initiative and a teaching course of the University of Michigan Change by Design, significantly depends on its partnership with the University. If the University of Michigan withdrew from the project, the Brightmoor Maker Space would experience a gap in mentorship, as well as in credibility and reach in academia and non-profit circles.
The community that all these initiatives are animating is immense, attracting various groups and individuals. Two issues of the One Mile Magazine by Akoaki covered hundreds of events related to neighborhood life. The magazine provided a platform and gave voice to cultural practitioners, artists and musicians. Vacant spaces were transformed into stages with the participation of thousands of local residents, presenting the models of urban imaginaries beyond profit.
Design justice – which emphasizes equality and centers on marginalized voices – along with community-driven social design, provides both an ideological foundation and a signpost for Detroit’s continued innovative development. It is clear that many of Detroit-based initiatives which use design as a tool for transformation, tend to replace the audience and spectators with the community, with the intention of creating new aesthetics of involvement that “forges a closer connection between art and life”29. Strategies such as participation, co-creation and collaboration are broadening the traditional understanding of design practice, intersecting disciplines with public art and contributing to the shaping of the public sphere. Market-driven urban development is being challenged by diverse urban imaginaries, as the city is increasingly becoming a gradually evolving entity characterized by shared resources and collective stewardship.
Through the Detroit Printing Co-op in the 1970s and 1980s, The Brigthmoor Maker Space since the late 2000s, or Akoaki’s One Mile Magazine in 2015 and 2016, hierarchies and structures are being reworked and newly invented for the sake of the existing urgencies within the community. In Detroit, artists, designers and other practitioners were able to effectively counter traditional practices of urban development, spatial design and education. Detroit as a place of bright industrial past and nowadays of collapsed systems, serves as a pertinent context which could work on new visions and build new models from ashes.
1E. Manzini, Design, When Everybody Designs, Cambridge, MIT Press, 2015, pp. 37-40.
2Ibidem, p. 38.
3Ibidem, p. 37.
4Th.J. Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis. Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit, Princeton, NJ 2005, p. 47.
5S. Zacks, “Inclusivity and Economic Development Emerge as Top Themes at Detroit Month of Design.” Metropolis, September 30. https://www.metropolismag.com/cities/detroit-month-of-design-2019/ [accessed: 30.09.2025].
6J. Gill, Jenny, “Jesse Sugarmann’s ‘We Build Excitement’ Commemorates the Rise and Fall of the American Auto Industry.” Creative-Capital.org, 2014, March 30. <https://creativecapital.org/2014/03/30/jessesugarmannwebuildexcitement/> [accessed: 30.09.2025].
7Th.J. Sugrue, op. cit., p. 128.
8E. Hood, “Detroit: The Prospect of Post-Capitalism.” Paper presented at the Conference on College Composition and Communication, 2011, p. 3.
9Th.J. Sugrue, op. cit., p. 296.
10D. Aubert, The Detroit Printing Co-op. The Politics of the Joy of Printing. Inventory Press, Los Angeles 2019, p. 12.
11E. Manzini, op. cit., p. 37-40.
12E. Hood, op. cit., p. 2.
13D. Archambault, “Brightmoor: ‘Feisty’ Neighbors Use Hope, Innovation to Face Struggles,” in Model D. September 29, 2009. https://www.modeldmedia.com/features/brightmoor0909.aspx [accessed: 30.09.2025].
14Ibidem.
15City Connect Detroit, “A Basic Community Profile: Brightmoor”, 2006, https://www.webcitation.org/6Brqomujh?url=http://www.ssw.umich.edu/public/currentProjects/goodNeighborhoods/BrightmoorBasicCommProfFinal.pdf [accessed: 30.09.2025].
16E. Manzini, op. cit., p. 189.
17E. Hood, op. cit., p. 8.
18C. Bishop, Artificial Hells. Participatory Art and the Politics of Spectatorship. Verso, 2012, p. 242.
19B. Hunter, “Brightmoor Trike Project pedals into Downtown Detroit.” Michigan Cronicle, 2019 June 10. https://michiganchronicle.com/2019/06/10/brightmoor-trike-project-pedals-into-downtown-detroit/#/?playlistId=0&videoId=0 [accessed: 30.09.2025].
20Akoaki, the Studio. http://www.akoaki.com/bio.html [accessed: 17.11.2020].
21G. Innella, M. Petroni, Going real: The value of design in the era of postcapitalism, Nairobi 2019, p. xi.
22A. Sirota, “Politics of Aesthetics”. Out of Site. One Mile. 2017, p. 87.
23G. Innella, M. Petroni, op. cit., p. xv.
24K. Holmes, Mismatch. How Inclusion Shapes Design, Cambridge, MA–London 2018, p. 38.
25M. Monteiro, Ruined by Design, San Francisco 2019, p. 11.
26A. Sirota, op. cit., p. 7.
27Ibidem.
28J. Carlisle, Life in the Motor City, Cheltenham 2011, p. 7.
29C. Bishop, Artificial Hells, p. 241.
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Irfan Hošić
is Associate Professor of art history at the University of Bihać and founder of the KRAK Center for Contemporary Culture. He co-curated Bosnian pavilion at the Venice Biennale in 2013. He is the author of two books: Iz/van konteksta (Connectum, Sarajevo 2013) and Slika krize (Buybook, Sarajevo 2025). He was curator-in-residence at the Singapore Art Musem (2024), Fulbright Visiting Scholar at the College for Creative Studies and Wayne State University in Detroit (2019/2020). Hošić holds the Igor Zabel Grant Award (Igor Zabel Association for Culture and Theory, 2024), Patterns Lectures Award (Erste Stiftung and WUS Austria, Vienna/Graz 2016) and the Culture Watch Award (BIRN, Belgrade 2012).
ORCID: 0000-0002-6623-2993